tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-47551238229537137202023-11-15T11:18:20.031-08:00Regulatory GeographyExploring the relationship between space, distance, and regulatory capacityMichael W. Dowdlehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17485076053391288065noreply@blogger.comBlogger3125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4755123822953713720.post-9977894470369371542017-01-28T17:20:00.005-08:002017-01-28T17:21:45.680-08:00Notes on 'the State' and the Regulation of Space<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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The state represents the quintessential meeting of
regulation and geography.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The state was
founded as a device for unifying large tracts of geography (Herz, Tilly).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And even today, it is one of the very few
regulatory spaces that defines itself geographically.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As the same time, particularly since the
early part of the 19<sup>th</sup> century, the state is an entity that is often
said to be defined and created by law.</div>
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All this makes the state a bit of a paradox.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In seeking to unify space, the law that
identifies and defines the state effectively denies the material existence of
distance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is, in the words of Wesley
Pue (1990), and “anti-geographical faith”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But at the same time, the state is all about distance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Distance is the state’s biggest resource – e.g.,
more distance means more territory means more people and tax revenue -- and at
the same time its biggest threat – e.g., more distance means more territory
means greater difficulty in unifying that space.</div>
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Along these lines, it might help to identify and contrast a
couple of concepts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>First, we can
distinguish between two different kinds of space.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One is a space in which there is internal
variegation of some sort.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For
convenience, we will call this ‘space’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The other kind of space, obviously, is one in which there is no internal
variegation – a space that is isotropic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>That kind of space we will call a territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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I also want to introduce the idea of a ‘regulatory
space’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A regulatory space delineates
the entities that are subject to some kinds of regulatory regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A regulatory space consists of three
elements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One is the regulatory subject
– what aspect of society is the regime intended to regulation; a second is
regulatory purpose – what is the regime seeking to do to that particular aspect
of society; and the third are regulatory boundaries – where does the regulatory
authority end?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How do we determine who
is subject to and who is not subject to the regulatory regime.</div>
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When the regulatory space is delineated territorially, we
can – following Richard Ford – refer to it as a ‘jurisdiction’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to this vocabulary, a legal ‘state’
is a particular kind of jurisdiction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or,
to be more precise, the state is a collection of jurisdictions focusing on a
plethora of regulatory subjects</div>
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As noted above, the various jurisdictions that constitute a
state involve a paradox: the law is innately isotropic whereas the space it
regulates is frequently variegated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Along these lines, we can distinguish between four kinds of jurisdiction,
each identified by the intersection of two vectors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first vector involves the distinction
between isotropic and variegated regulatory spaces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The second vector involves the malleability
of the regulatory space is.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A regulatory
space is malleable to the extent that its regulatory subject is susceptible to
regulatory manipulation, i.e., to the extent that the regulatory subject is
susceptible to juridification.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the
other hand, some kinds of social practices are so deeply embedded in the social
fabric that they can be highly resistant to juridification.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We will refer to this as ‘innate’ regulatory
subject matter</div>
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Along these lines, we can distinguish between four kinds of
jurisdictions:</div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Kinds of jurisdiction</i></b>:</div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Malleable</i></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Innate</i></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Isotropic</i></div>
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Regulatory</div>
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Organic</div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Variegated</i></div>
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Synthetic</div>
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Pluralist</div>
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Some thoughts:</div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><span style="font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"></span></span></span>Regulatory jurisdictions:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>National sectoral industrial activity seems
particularly regulatory in nature, particularly in industrial societies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Examples would include the national banking
sector regulation; market competition regulation, national taxation systems.</li>
<li><span style="font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span>Synthetic jurisdictions:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Synthetic jurisdictions are most often
located in a particular time, as their amenability to juridification means that
they will often evolve into regulatory jurisdiction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The jurisdiction created by interstate transportation
regulation in the United States during the late 19<sup>th</sup> and early 20<sup>th</sup>
century turned out to be synthetic, it started out being variegated, but by the
1920s had become regulatory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span> </li>
<li>Organic jurisdictions:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A municipality is generally a much more
organic jurisdiction than is the state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This is reflected in the different way in which states regulate
municipality, what Michael Mann called infrastructural regulation as contracted
again ‘rule-of-law’ regulation (what he called ‘despotic’ regulation).</li>
<li>Pluralist jurisdictions:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While national industrial sectors are largely
regulatory in character, the national economy itself is invariable
pluralist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many areas of national social
regulation is also pluralist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></li>
</ul>
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As a form of regulation, law presumes that its jurisdiction
is regulatory – i.e., that it is isotropic, since the law is innately isotropic,
and that it is malleable, because the whole regulatory purpose of law is to
change some aspect of its regulatory subject.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But where the jurisdiction is not isotropic and / or not malleable –
what we will call ‘problematic’ jurisdictions, its provokes what Gunther
Teubner famously termed a regulatory trilemma – a divergence between the social
conditions presumed by the regulation and the social conditions that are
actually manifest in the social space being regulated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To recall, there are three possible responses
to such a condition, each with a distinct set of problems.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One is juridification, where the actual
social change to fit the presumptions of the law, a response that threatens the
vitality of the society; the second is socialization, which is where the
regulatory system adjusts to social reality, a response that threatens the
integrity of the law; and the third is mutual indifference, a condition where
the regulatory system and the social system simply ignore each other.</div>
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Each one of these possible responses corresponds with a
different one of the problematic jurisdictions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Thus, when confronting a regulatory trilemma, synthetic jurisdictions
are most likely to become juridified and organic jurisdictions are most likely
to experience a socialization of the regulatory system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pluralist jurisdictions will experience
‘unintended consequences’, as the legal system will produce different results
in different spaces.</div>
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It should be noted, however, that these jurisdictional
attributes can vary from state to state, and even within a state they can change
over time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In particular, the process of
industrialization seems to convert many economic-regulatory jurisdictions that
are pluralist in pre-industrial societies into regulatory jurisdictions as
industrialization progresses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An example
of this is found in the rise of the (centralized) ‘regulatory state’ in late 19<sup>th</sup>
and early 20<sup>th</sup> century US.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the same time, Karl Polanyi’s notion of a ‘double movement’ suggests that the
opposite is likely to be true as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Thus, at the same time as the US was experiencing the raise of the
regulatory state, it was also experiencing the rise of a national, but pluralized,
civil society (see, e.g., the rise of labor unions), and the emergence of new
pluralist forms of governance that Michael Mann has termed ‘infrastructural
power’ – two kinds of regulatory spaces that for the most part do not exist in
lesser-industrialized states.</div>
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<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From the perspective
of the state, the quintessential regulatory problem lies in how to regulated
the state as a whole given the wide diversity of problematic jurisdictions it
is likely to encompass.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As a general
observation, we can hypothesize that each kind of problematic jurisdiction is
likely to provoke a distinct regulatory strategy:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>organic jurisdiction are likely to be
regulated through the use of intrastructural power; synthetic jurisdictions are
likely to be regulated through juridification; and pluralist jurisdictions are
likely to be regulated through a combination of decentralization, on the one
hand, and what I elsewhere have termed ‘political regulation’ on the other. </div>
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Michael W. Dowdlehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17485076053391288065noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4755123822953713720.post-67207136971500917242017-01-23T16:27:00.001-08:002017-01-28T17:31:05.481-08:00Law, Capitalism(s) and space<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
One of the areas in which the intersection of law and space has been relatively well explored is in that of varieties of capitalism. Below are my study notes for this particular class in my law and geography course.<br />
<br />
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-variant: small-caps;">Notes on geographic-regulatory implications of varieties of capitalism and variegated capitalism</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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The state is often thought of in terms of political jurisdictions. But the territory of the state is not simply political, it
is also in significant ways ‘economic’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Particularly since the coming of the industrial revolution in the 19<sup>th</sup>
century, states have been able to delineate themselves economically as well as
political.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps the first example of
this is found in the United States, which devoted at least two constitutional
provisions – the commerce clause and the contract clause – specifically to the
need to unite the full territory of the country into a common market.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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Today, national economic space is most commonly thought of
as coming in three possible flavours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>These are ‘liberal market economies’, ‘coordinated market economies’,
and ‘state capitalism’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The difference lies
in the relationship between the state and its national market.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In liberal market economies, the state uses
markets solely for the generation of wealth – questions of redistribution and
spending on public goods is solely for the state using public revenue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In coordinated market economies, states
enlist markets to help the state realize social welfare goals (such as through
providing full employment).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
state-capitalist economies, such as that of the People’s Republic of China, the
state also uses the capitalist economy to promote state interests.</div>
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<br /></div>
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A state’s choice of its kind of capitalism is primarily
historical and political, but it has real regulatory consequences, which we
will (obviously) be exploring.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the
first reading, we look at how the industrialization of the national economy
give state access to a much wider diversity of regulatory instruments than are
enjoys by lesser industrialized countries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In the second reading, my Mark Roe, we explore how liberal market
economies and coordinated market economies have different regulatory needs,
particularly in the area of corporate governance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the next reading, we see that the
homogeneity of national economies is somewhat illusory, and explore how the
phenomenon of variegated capitalism – i.e, when one national economy actually
evinces a number of different kinds of capitalisms – has important implications
for how markets need to be regulated, implications that are not widely
recognized in the Anglophone literature on market regulation in
particular.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Finally, there is a short
introduction to Karl Polanyi’s classic notion of the double movement, a
phenomenon through which societies naturally seek to protect themselves from the
social damage caused by capitalist marketization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is particularly relevant to the third
and fourth questions listed below.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The fifth, optional reading just a summary over view the
main ways that states have historically sought to structure their national
economies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We’ll talk more about this in
class.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The sixth reading, also optional,
explores how the difference between a liberal market economy and a coordinated
market economy impact consumer protection regulation.</div>
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<br /></div>
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* * *</div>
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Readings:</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
1. Dowdle, Michael W. "Public accountability in alien terrain." in M.Dowdle, ed., <i>Public Accountability: Designs, Dilemmas and Experiences</i> (CUP 2006): 329-357.</div>
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<br /></div>
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2. Roe, Mark J. "Political preconditions to separating ownership from corporate control." <i>Stanford Law Review</i> (2000): 539-606.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
3. Dowdle, Michael W. "On the Innately Political Character of Market Regulation," <i>Revista Direito e Práxis, </i>Vol. 07, N. 16, 2016, p. 416-446.</div>
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<br /></div>
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4. Notes explaining Polanyi's double movement</div>
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<br /></div>
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5. Noted on 'economic constitutionalism'</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
6. Teubner, Gunther. "Legal Irritants: Good Faith in British Law, or How Unifying Law Ends up in New Divergences." <i>The Modern Law Review</i> 61.1 (1998): 11-32.</div>
<br />
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</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
* * *</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In reading through these materials, think about the
following: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<ol style="text-align: left;">
<li>Is capitalism, as a regulatory phenomenon, more
in the form of a synthetic or organic jurisdiction (and why is this question
important)?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>OR are some more synthetic
or more organic (particularly in the context of the different kinds of
capitalisms that constitute variegated capitalism).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What factors impact on this question?<br /><br /></li>
<li>Particularly with regards to the third reading
on variegated capitalism, what types of regulatory instruments are associated
with what kinds of capitalisms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Notice
in particular, the strong structural correspondence between rule of law and
industrialization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What happens when the
regulatory instrument that is being used to regulate some particular form of
capitalism is not suited for that particular form?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Legalization, socialization, mutual
indifference?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What factors would push
the system to one or the other of these corners?<br /><br /></li>
<li>Note that in fact, legalization is often the
preferred and even intended consequent of regulation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We often pass laws hoping that they will
cause the regulatory environment to adjust to their vision of the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think this is especially true in the area
of economic regulation, particularly as it is promoted in developing countries
by the ‘law and development’ movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>What are some of the unintended consequences (both economic and social) of
the ‘if you build it they will come’ approach to this strategy for economic
development?<br /><br /></li>
<li>With regards to the third question, think about
this specifically in the context of Polanyi’s notion of the double
movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Polanyi’s notion argues that
liberal marketization along the line of a liberal market economy will
spontaneously provoke a counter-movement with regards to some other part of
society that seek maintain the social solidarity that is disrupted by making key
materials of social life subject to impersonal (and therefore asocial) market
forces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As you are looking at the
different kinds of capitalisms, try to identify their social components, and
think about how regulatory ‘colonization’ of that market might provoke
counter-movements elsewhere in society, and would this be desirable?<br /><br /></li>
<li>The final reading also suggests that we might be
able to regulate this double-movement through what it calls ‘political
regulation’ (alternatively, it could be read as suggesting that political
regulation is itself a kind of countermovement).</li>
</ol>
</div>
</div>
Michael W. Dowdlehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17485076053391288065noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4755123822953713720.post-45258501091939331322016-11-19T23:36:00.002-08:002016-11-20T01:27:23.887-08:00Welcome to Regulatory Geography -- An Introduction<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Welcome.<br />
<br />
This blog will explore how different kinds of geographies -- such as economic geographies, epistemic geographies, political geographies, etc. -- effect the regulatory capacities of states. <span lang="EN-SG">There is good reason to suspect that
dynamics of space – i.e., geography – affect the regulatory capacity in ways
that are both significant and underappreciated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-SG"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">Simply put, d</span>ifferent regulatory strategies can be more or less effective in different
kinds of spaces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Take, for example, the regulatory strategy
known as rule of law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rule of law seeks
to impart regulatory uniformity across its regulatory space (i.e., its
jurisdiction) by subjecting that space to a system of abstract rules.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a regulatory strategy, however, presumes
that the space over which it is being applied is largely homogeneous and
rationalized.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is because the actual
social impact of an abstract rule is often heavily context dependent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A single rule can produce very divergent
results when applied to different contexts – resulting in a phenomenon that
Robert Merton famously termed “the law of unintended consequences”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the more variegated and fragmented the
regulatory space, the more likely that a rule-based system, such as rule of law,
will generate unanticipated consequences within its regulatory space.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And this will compromise the effectiveness of
rule of law as a regulatory system.</span>
<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-SG">(Of course, rule-based regulatory systems
often do take contextual variegation into account by formally assigning
different ‘rules’ to different contexts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But such a response is itself problematic from the perspective of rule
of law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Assigning different rules to
different contexts increases the complexity of the rule-based system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The more complex the system, the less likely
that its rules will be accurately anticipated by members of the regulated
community.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In other words, the more
complex the system, the less transparent it will be.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And transparency is itself a core component
of ‘rule of law’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the greater the
contextual variegation within the regulatory space, the more difficulty rule of
law has in producing its intended consequence, either because the variegation
will not be captured by the rules comprising the system; or otherwise because
if it is captured by the system, it will result in a system that is so complex
as to increasingly elude transparency.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">) </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG">Law and its related disciplines recognize
rule of law’s dependence on spatial homogeneity somewhat.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they respond to this dependence by
claiming that, properly implemented, rule of law itself is able to impose the
social homogeneity it needs for its effectiveness (and by extension, that where
we find examples of rule of law not imposing the needed homogeneity, it is
because it was not in fact properly implemented).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But here is where geography becomes relevant,
because one of the key observations of geography is that certain kinds of spatial
variegations can be innate to certain kinds of spaces (i.e., geographies).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And this argues that rule of law obviously always
simply impose the homogeneity required for its effectiveness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG">Consider, along these lines, the particular
spatial geographical phenomenon known as the core-periphery model (or
‘core-periphery ordering’).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That models
shows how a particular spatial dynamic – that of transportation costs
increasing in correspondence with increasing distance of travel – cause
different geographies to support different kinds of industrial environments and
levels of industrial development.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some
of these geographies, more notably those associated with advanced
industrialization – i.e., cores – are indeed largely homogeneous or otherwise
conducive to legal homogenization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These
are also the geographies in which the rule-of-law regulatory model was first
identified, and where it continues to find its most effective
implementation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But for other kinds of
geographies, those lesser-industrialized and lesser-developed geographies
associated with ‘the periphery’, the dynamics of transportation costs results
in socio-economic environments which are innately more diverse and innately
less stable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In these geographies, rule
of law has much greater difficulty operating effectively, even if
conscientiously implemented.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same
time, other kinds of regulatory strategies that appear deficient or ersatz from
the perspective of rule of law (such as relational governance) are likely to be
more effective at promoting anticipated regulatory outcomes.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG">The core-peripheral ordering is but one
example of how space can affect law and regulatory capacity in ways that are
both important but largely unrecognized.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The possibility that rule of law is likely to be an innately ineffective
regulatory strategy in many developing countries would appear to be of major
importance to our understanding of law, including comparative law, law and
development, transnational law, and even human rights law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And yet, for the most part, such a possibility
is has not been recognized or investigated by scholars of law or of geography.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG">Nor is the core-periphery model the only
spatial dynamic that would seem likely to have considerable effect on local
regulatory capacity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Other such dynamics
include:</span></div>
<br />
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"></span></span></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG">Agglomeration effects</span></i><span lang="EN-SG">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Agglomeration is a spatial phenomenon in
which a tight spatial concentration of related industries and disciplines
generate knowledge spillovers that impart an absolute advantage to that locale
in one or several related industrial sectors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But not all local spaces support agglomeration, or are able to support the
sme kinds of agglomeration.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same
time, there is a significant similarity between agglomeration and a particular
form of regulation identified by Michael Mann called ‘infrastructural
power’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both appear deeply embedded in
local society, and both are associated with advanced stages of industrial
development.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rule of law, by contrast,
while also associated with advanced stages of economic development, as we saw,
but at a different spatial level of application (i.e., regional rather than
locale).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Might ‘infrastructural power’
represent a particular kind of agglomeration through which rule of law
negotiates spatial diversity?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And if so,
does this suggest another spatial variable affecting rule of law.</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG"> </span></i></li>
<li><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG">‘Maslow geographies’</span></i><span lang="EN-SG">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A ‘Maslow geography’ meant to refers to a geographical phenomenon recently identified by Ronald
Inglehart and Daphna Oyserman, in which geographies in different stages
of economic and industrial development evinces distinct sets of political
values in patterns that correspond to Abraham Maslow’s famous psychological
model of ‘hierarchies of needs’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
suggest that spatial jurisdictions – such as states – cannot always structure
their constituting regulation around some appeal to a common, ‘public good’, as
presumed by both liberal and republican conceptualizations of public law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It also calls into question a foundational
presumption underlying human rights law, which is that conceptualizations of
‘human dignity’ are the same everywhere.</span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-SG"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">'</span></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG">Home bias’</span></i><span lang="EN-SG">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Home bias describes a psychological
phenomenon in which people naturally tend to discount risk in social
environment with which they feel familiar as compared to that of social
environments with which they feel less familiar.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This has particular implication for geography
of finance, since most international investment comes from the United States
and England.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This could be an important but
unrecognized factor in the ‘legal origins’ literature, which claims that the
Common Law is more conducive to economic development than the Civil Law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It also helps explain the ‘herd mentality’ that
characteristic of international investors investing in Global-Southern
enterprises, which would appear to argue that financial regulation in
Global-Southern countries needs to operate differently from how it operates in
the advanced industrial economies.</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG"> </span></i></li>
<li><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG">Geographies of capitalism</span></i><span lang="EN-SG">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is now recognized that there are different
varieties of capitalisms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many of these
capitalisms evince distinctive geographies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Some of these geographies are local, such as those defined by particular
economic agglomeration effect discussed above.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Some are transnational, such as those delineated by transnational
production chains; by particular factor endowments; or by flows of
international finance (see, e.g., home bias effects, described above).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some are constructed by the state and thus
delineated by the space of the state itself – such as what is commonly referred
to simply as the ‘national economy’ of that state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br /><span lang="EN-SG"></span><span lang="EN-SG"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>A state’s national economy in
particular is a critical component of that state’s constitution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But at the same time, that economy is
fragmented by these other kinds of economic geographies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Similar to the effect of peripheral
fragmentation discussed above, this capitalist fragmentation has crucial
constitutional ramifications for the state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>For example, the growing autonomy of transnational capitalist
geographies set out by international financial flows, international trade
flows, and transnational production chains appears to be causing a particular
regulatory effect that has been described as ‘the hollowing out of the state’ –
a phenomenon in which regulatory capacities that formerly vested in the
national state are being moved both upwards to the transnational level and
downwards to more local governance structures (see, e.g., privatisation).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of the ways that states<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>are responding to this is by trying to
promote different kinds of agglomeration (such as, in Asia, through the
creation of industrial parks)—a kind of strategy that some have termed ‘the
competition state’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Legal scholarship
has begun recognizing the regulatory ‘hollowing out’ of the state, in the
emerging field of ‘transnational law’, but is yet to recognize or explore the
character an interaction of the new kinds of ‘regulatory geographies’ it is
producing, and how these new kinds of geographies are shaping (and being shaped
by) evolutions in state-generated regulatory geographies.</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG"> </span></i></li>
</ul>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG"> </span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG">Topophilia</span></i><span lang="EN-SG">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Topophilia describes the psychological
phenomenon in which people naturally tend to identify with and gain emotional
attachment to the particular physical space in which they live.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At larger scales, this results in
nationalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it can manifest in
smaller scales as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Topophilia can
be a critical factor, both positive and negative, in the constitution of the
state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the context of nationalism, it
gives the national regulatory coherence and strength.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But when it manifest in more local
identities, it disrupts national regulatory coherence and strength.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The phenomenon of topophilia would seem to
have important implication for national and transnational regulatory strategies
that rely on legal cosmopolitanism, forcing the state to adopt other strategies
for fostering political coherence. </span></li>
</ul>
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<span lang="EN-SG">Of course, the above listing is not exhaustive.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the geographical-regulatory relationships
described are in fact much more complex than can be captured in this introduction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What the above is intended to
show is that there is good reason to assume that such relationships exist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> This is what I intend to explore in this blog.</span> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
Michael W. Dowdlehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17485076053391288065noreply@blogger.com0